Strategies and Steps for Developing the Sharia Economy

There are three scenarios for implementing the Sharia Economy in Indonesia. The most challenging scenario is making it a national economic system. This is low-probability, as it requires national political consensus, a redefinition of the economic system, changes in ownership and market structures, and the courage to face global pressures. A less challenging scenario is if it merely becomes a pillar of the national economic system, where Sharia Economy must be content with being the main operational pillar within the Pancasila Economic framework, applying it to the people's economy (agriculture, MSMEs, and inclusive finance).

The least challenging scenario is sectoral and symbolic implementation, namely in Sharia finance, halal lifestyle, and Sharia economic events. Here, it only serves as a market niche, cultural identity, and moral legitimacy for the state. This is the safest political option, but the weakest in terms of transformational power. Therefore, the real option for Indonesia is to make Sharia Economy sufficient as the most concrete operational tool for translating the values ​​of the Pancasila Economy and its support for the People's Economy into policy practice.

We have made this choice. Various strategic planning documents for the development of the national Islamic economy do not promote it as a totalizing economic system, but rather integrate sharia principles into the national economic ecosystem. These documents include the 2019-2024 Indonesian Islamic Economic Masterplan (MEKSI), which outlines the vision, mission, and four main pillars (halal industry, Islamic finance, Islamic MSMEs, and the Islamic digital economy); the 2020-2024 KNEKS Work Plan, which contains strategic programs such as strengthening the halal value chain, optimizing ZISWAF (Ziswaf), and sharia literacy; and the 2025-2029 MEKSI, which has been aligned with the 2025-2029 National Medium-Term Development Plan (RPJMN) and the 2025-2045 National Medium-Term Development Plan (RPJPN).

We face a fundamental problem in the form of uncertainty regarding the economic system we are currently implementing and will implement. Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution affirms the principles of kinship, social justice, and state control over important sectors of production. However, economic policy practices tend to be pragmatic and eclectic (a mix of liberal, statist, and populist). There is no consistent and operational grand design for the economic system. Sharia economics develops in a normative space that has not yet been ideologically integrated with the national economic system.

Sharia economics is growing rapidly across sectors, but has not yet become part of the national economic system due to the lack of a clear Indonesian economic paradigm. Sharia economics could potentially function as an operationalization of Pancasila Economics and People's Economy, but it is currently positioned as an "alternative sub-sector," not a system architecture.

The implementation of sharia economics in Indonesia began in the financial sector, with the establishment of Bank Muamalah Indonesia (BMI) in 1991, initiated by the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) and the Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals (ICMI). This was then followed by the establishment of Sharia Rural Credit Banks (BPRS), Baitul Maal wat Tamwil (BMT), and the Islamic Boarding School Cooperative (Kopontren). Healthy economic development requires a close link between the financial sector (banking, capital markets, insurance) and the real sector (activities producing goods and services that generate real added value).

The main weakness is not the lack of regulation, but rather the lack of a consistent economic system orientation. Regulation is a social agreement. Without a clear national economic system, the acceleration of the sharia economy will continue to be fragmented. Conversely, by repositioning the sharia economy within the framework of the Pancasila Economy and the People's Economy, Indonesia has the opportunity to build a just, inclusive, and sustainable economic system.

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Sharia Economics is Needed as an Economic System

Implementing a sharia economy in Indonesia requires an appropriate institutional environment, namely a "sharia economic system." The problem is, we are currently reluctant to discuss this economic system. The enthusiasm of several decades, starting in the 1960s among academics, has not been rekindled, when many proposed the Pancasila Economic System or People's Economy as our economic system.

"People's Economy," "Pancasila Economy," and "Sharia Economy" actually have strong parallels (Syahyuti, 2024). Although Sharia Economics or Islamic Economics is certainly an older practice, and its science should also be older (dating back to the 7th century in Medina), However, its scientific discourse in Indonesia was later (it became popular in the 1980s), while People's Economy began in 1930, and Pancasila Economy around 1965.

Furthermore, upon closer examination, People's Economy and Pancasila Economy share a strong parallel, supporting each other as two complementary entities. This can be traced back to 1945, when Sukarno presented the initial idea of ​​People's Economy at the Investigating Committee for Preparatory Work for Independence. In that speech, Sukarno based People's Economy on the principles of Pancasila. Then, in 1980, People's Economy was conceptualized as Pancasila Economy. The foundational values, objectives, economic principles, and the role of the state are the elements that connect the two. "In the Pancasila economic system, the economy is of the people, by the people, and for the people."

Sharia economics has an inclusive character. A representative scientific review of business ethics from various interfaith perspectives found that the Islamic business ethics perspective, derived from two primary sources: the Qur'an and the Hadith, states that business as a human activity is both material and immaterial. Similarly, business ethics from a Christian perspective does not accept the separation of work and life (Wong and Senjaya, 2024), which aligns with Hindu business ethics, where economic activity is essentially about fulfilling the dignity of humankind as a divine creation.

In addition to an Islamic economic system, a new measurement tool, namely the Islamic Gross National Product, is also needed. This measurement is not solely based on GDP figures but also considers social justice, community welfare, and environmental sustainability. Islam emphasizes the equitable distribution of wealth, social inclusion, and business ethics in accordance with Sharia principles. Sharia economics is suitable as an alternative model for a new GDP, as it offers a values-based approach with four main pillars: a rabbaniyah economy (based on divinity), an akhlaki economy (based on morals), a humanitarian economy (oriented towards human welfare), and a middle-ground economy (tawazzun) that balances individual and societal interests.

This idea has been initiated in recent years by the National Committee for Sharia Economics and Finance (KNEKS). In the latest RPJMN (2024-2029), KNEKS successfully incorporated Sharia economic and financial indicators. At various events, KNEKS claimed this proposed "Sharia GRDP" was the first of its kind in the world.

Regarding regulations and programs, Appendix 1 of Presidential Regulation No. 12 of 2025 concerning the 2025-2029 RPJMN found 18 entries for "Sharia economy." "Sharia economy" is one of four economic phrases: "Sharia Economy," "Digital Economy," "Green Economy," and "Blue Economy." The vision is to make Indonesia the global center of the Islamic economy. However, the impression that arises is that we are developing the Islamic economy primarily because of the market (demand-driven) or that it is still merely a form of "market-driven Islamic economics" or "value-driven Islamic economy," not yet a genuine path of Islamic propagation.

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What are the Opportunities for Implementing Sharia Economics as a National Economic System?

 Indonesia—and the world—is currently uninterested in discussing its national economic system. Although the global halal economy is gaining ground, and Islamic banking is positively appreciated in Europe, to date, no modern country has comprehensively implemented Sharia economics as a national economic system. Existing practice shows that Sharia economics is more developed as a sectoral approach and policy instrument within a pragmatic market economy and state framework.

Several non-Muslim countries, such as the UK, Japan, and China, have adopted Sharia instruments; issuing sukuk (Islamic bonds), establishing Sharia banks, and also promoting the halal industry. This is purely rational-economic, devoid of Islamic ideology. Here, Sharia economics is separated from the economic system and treated as a mere financial and industrial product. Sharia economics is successful as a sector, but weak as a state system. Sharia elements are implemented partially, sectorally, or symbolically. Therefore, the important question is not which countries implement it, but to what extent are they willing to allow Sharia principles to transform their economic power structures?

Political economists have long argued that modern economic systems are hybrid systems. There is no pure liberalism, pure socialism, or single ideological system. Countries generally choose a combination of market mechanisms, the role of the state, and social values, based on their history, political structure, and national interests.

The Islamic Economic System, or Sharia Economic System, is more comprehensive, extending beyond the role of the state and the market. It encompasses the formal prohibition of usury (riba), zakat (alms) and waqf (waqf) as social instruments, and the Islamic financial system.

In Muslim countries, the systems used vary depending on their political choices and history. Resource-based state capitalism (Rentier State) is found in Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, and Kuwait; post-colonial (pragmatic) mixed economies in Malaysia, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Egypt, and Indonesia; and Islamic socialism in Iran (post-1979), Libya (Gaddafi era), and Sudan (certain periods) (Awan et al., 2023). Authoritarian capitalism with sharia symbols was implemented in Turkey (early AKP era) and Malaysia (post-1990s) (Khotimah, 2024).

Why didn't they implement Sharia Economics as a system? The answer lies in the political constraints of power, because Sharia economics—even Pancasila Economics in the case of Indonesia—demands rent-sharing restrictions, asset distribution, and structural justice. This is extremely threatening to the economic and political elite. Therefore, the state plays it safe: choosing the "symbol" of Sharia, without structural implications.

At the global level, Sharia economics as an economic system is inconsistent because the global economy operates under the laws of capitalism (international trade, the financial system, foreign investment). The academic landscape is also immature, with no single agreement on how a "Sharia state" will regulate taxes, labor markets, international trade, and so on. Classical fiqh is understood as having emerged in a pre-modern economy and is considered outdated for a modern macro system. Similarly, social and pluralism barriers exist, as many countries are Muslim, multiethnic, and multifaith. If conditions are not conducive, the Islamic economy will be perceived as an exclusive economy.

However, the general global trend toward a hybrid-pragmatic economic system should be seen as an opportunity. The global economy following the 2008 global crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic, and geopolitical crises is moving not toward a single economic system, but toward systemic pragmatism—countries choosing a mix of market, state, and community based on national interests. There is a resurgence in the role of the state, but the market remains dominant. The state has not abandoned capitalism, but the market is no longer trusted to fully manage crises. Therefore, it can be said that classical liberal economics has lost its absolute legitimacy, but has not been replaced by a new ideological system. Capitalism remains, but it is more nationalistic, protectionist, and state-controlled (read: neo-industrial policy or strategic capitalism).

Therefore, efforts to establish the Islamic economy as a national system have very little chance of success. The realistic approach is to make the Islamic economy a corrective and operational pillar, especially for the people's economy. The experience of Muslim countries shows that Islamic economics is easier to implement as a set of moral and sectoral instruments than as a complete national economic system, because implementing the system requires changes in power structures and global integration that countries are rarely willing to undertake.

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Bagaimana Peluang Penerapan Ekonomi Syariah sebagai Sistem Ekonomi Nasional?

Indonesia - dan juga dunia – saat ini sedang tidak tertarik membicarakan sistem ekonomi nasionalnya. Meskipun ekonomi halal dunia semakin mendapat tempat, dan bank syariah diapresiasi positif di Eropa; namun hingga saat ini tidak terdapat negara modern yang secara komprehensif menerapkan ekonomi syariah sebagai sistem ekonomi nasional. Praktik yang ada menunjukkan bahwa ekonomi syariah lebih berkembang sebagai pendekatan sektoral dan instrumen kebijakan dalam kerangka ekonomi pasar dan negara yang pragmatis.

Beberapa negara non-Muslim yang mengadopsi instrumen syariah misal Inggris, Jepang, dan China; menerbitkan sukuk, membuka bank syariah, dan juga mendorong industri halal. Ini sebenarnya murni rasional-ekonomis, tanpa ideologi Islam. Disini ekonomi syariah dipisahkan dari sistem ekonomi, dan diperlakukan sebagai produk keuangan dan industri belaka. Ekonomi Syariah berhasil sebagai sektor, namun lemah sebagai sistem negara. Elemen syariah diterapkan secara parsial, sektoral, atau simbolik. Maka, pertanyaan penting bukan negara mana yang menerapkan, tetapi sampai sejauh mana negara bersedia memberi ruang prinsip syariah mengubah struktur kekuasaan ekonomi mereka?

Para ahli ekonomi politik sudah lama menyebut bahwa sistem ekonomi modern adalah sistem hibrida. Tidak ada liberal murni, sosialis murni, atau sistem ideologis yang tunggal. Negara umumnya memilih kombinasi antara mekanisme pasar, peran negara, dan nilai sosial, sesuai sejarah, struktur politik, dan kepentingan nasionalnya.

Sistem Ekonomi Islam atau Ekonomi Syariah (Sharia Ecocomic system) lebih lengkap, lebih jauh dari sekedar apa peran negara dan apa peran pasar. Yaitu larangan riba (secara formal), zakat dan wakaf sebagai instrumen sosial, sistem keuangan syariah. 

Untuk negara-negara muslim, sistem yang dipakai beragam bergantung pilihan politik dan sejarahnya. Sistem kapitalisme negara berbasis sumber daya (Rentier State) dijumpai di Arab Saudi, UEA, Qatar, Kuwait; ekonomi campuran pasca-kolonial (pragmatis) di  Malaysia, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Mesir, dan termasuk Indonesia; serta sosialisme Islam di  Iran (pasca 1979), Libya (era Gaddafi), Sudan (periode tertentu) (Awan et al., 2023). Kapitalisme otoriter dengan simbol syariah pernah diterapkan di  Turki (era AKP awal), dan  Malaysia (pasca 1990-an) (Khotimah, 2024).

Mengapa mereka tidak menerapkan Ekonomi Syariah sebagai sistem? Jawabannya adalah  pada hambatan politik kekuasaan, karena ekonomi syariah – bahkan Ekonomi Pancasila untuk kasus di Indonesia - menuntut pembatasan rente, distribusi aset, dan keadilan struktural. Ini sangat-sangat mengancam elite ekonomi dan politik.  Maka negara bermain aman: memilih “simbol” syariah, tanpa implikasi struktural.

Di level global, ekonomi syariah sebagai sistem ekonomi tidak sejalan karena ekonomi global beroperasi dengan hukum kapitalisme (perdagangan internasional, sistem keuangan, investasi asing). Sisi akademis pun belum matang, belum ada kesepakatan tunggal bagaimana “negara syariah” akan mengatur pajak, pasar tenaga kerja, perdagangan internasional, dan seterusnya. Fiqh klasik difahami sebagai lahir dalam ekonomi pra-modern, dan dianggap kuno untuk sistem makro modern. Demikian pula, hambatan sosial dan pluralisme, dimana banyak negara muslim, multietnis, dan multikeyakinan. Jika kondisi belum kondusif, maka ekonomi syariah akan dipersepsikan sebagai ekonomi eksklusif.

Namun demikian, tren global umum yang menuju sistem ekonomi hibrida-pragmatis mestinya dapat dijadikan kesempatan. Ekonomi dunia pasca-krisis global 2008, pandemi covid-19, dan krisis geopolitik; dunia tidak bergerak menuju satu sistem ekonomi tertentu, tetapi menuju pragmatisme sistemik—negara memilih campuran pasar, negara, dan komunitas sesuai kepentingan nasional. Ada kebangkitan peran negara, namun pasar tetap dominan. Negara tidak meninggalkan kapitalisme, namun pasar tidak lagi dipercaya sepenuhnya mengatur krisis. Jadi, dapat dikatakan ekonomi liberal klasik kehilangan legitimasi absolut, tetapi tidak digantikan sistem ideologis baru. Kapitalisme tetap, tetapi lebih nasionalis, protektif, dan dikendalikan negara (baca: neo-industrial policy atau strategic capitalism).

Jadi, upaya menjadikan ekonomi syariah sebagai  sistem nasional berpeluang sangat kecil. Yang realistis adalah menjadikan ekonomi syariah sebagai pilar korektif dan operasional, terutama untuk ekonomi rakyat. Pengalaman negara-negara Muslim menunjukkan bahwa ekonomi syariah lebih mudah diterapkan sebagai seperangkat instrumen moral dan sektoral daripada sebagai sistem ekonomi nasional yang utuh, karena penerapan sistem menuntut perubahan struktur kekuasaan dan integrasi global yang jarang bersedia dilakukan oleh negara.

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Sharia economics has long been embedded in the agricultural sector in Indonesia.

A study of the development of economic thought reveals a pattern that suggests that "Sharia economics" in Indonesia as a discipline is relatively new. This is because Indonesian-language books on the subject are relatively new, despite dozens of similar books having been published. Consequently, many people assume that the practice of Sharia economics is also new in Indonesia. In fact, agrarian communities (primarily in agriculture and fisheries) are already accustomed to practicing it. Sharia economics may seem new in the formal, modern-based economic sector (industry and services in urban areas), but it is actually a classical-traditional practice at the grassroots level.

The practice of agricultural profit-sharing (muzara'ah and mukhabarah) has been practiced for a very long time. Scheltema's (1985; "Sharing the Profit in the Dutch East Indies") identified various common patterns, namely "maro" (half-sharing), "mertelu" (three-sharing), and "mrapat" (four-sharing). Although the prevailing profit-sharing system divides the gross profit (Dutch: deelbouw) rather than the net profit (deelwinning) (Syahyuti, 2004). The government has also long issued Profit-Sharing Laws, namely Law No. 2 of 1960 for agricultural profit-sharing and Law No. 16 of 1964 for fisheries.

In addition to profit-sharing, grassroots communities have also long implemented zakat and waqf, primarily in agricultural businesses. As of June 2017, for example, the area of ​​waqf land in Indonesia was 4.36 million hectares, consisting of 435,768 plots (Report of the Director of Waqf Empowerment, January 4, 2017). Furthermore, cash waqf has also collected IDR 2.9 trillion. Waqf in Indonesia has experienced significant growth in the past five years. The management and utilization of waqf assets is developing rapidly, encompassing the education, social, and economic sectors (Firdaus et al., 2021).

The main issue currently is how to transform waqf into a financing scheme. Until now, waqf land has generally been limited to the use of the "3Ms": mosques, prayer rooms, and cemeteries. Waqf can be in the form of land or money, as well as buildings and objects; and waqf can be permanent or term-based (Listiana et al., 2025). Regulations regarding waqf have been regulated, including Law Number 41 of 2004 concerning Waqf and Government Regulation Number 42 of 2006 for its implementation.

Therefore, the practice of Islamic economics is actually something natural in Indonesia and has long been practiced, particularly in agriculture, fisheries, trading activities, and Islamic socio-economic institutions. We simply need to push it further (a push-the-wave strategy). For example, the Minangkabau ethnic group has implemented Islamic economics (which aligns with the values ​​of the People's Economy and the Pancasila Economy) in its customary regulations and agrarian practices (Syahyuti et al., 2022).

The practice of profit-sharing is also deeply rooted in the fisheries value chain. In general, this traditional Islamic economic practice is certainly born from established Islamic values ​​and serves as a guiding principle in economics. Agriculture and fisheries, which are full of risks, will be more equitable for all stakeholders if profit-sharing is implemented. Furthermore, zakat on agricultural produce and other social zakat (alms), as well as pawning, are also practiced, especially regarding the halal status of food, which is a highly emotional issue for our society.

Regulations for this are also quite adequate. We already have various regulations to support the implementation of Islamic economics in the banking, insurance, capital markets, and halal commodity sectors. Regulations on Islamic Banking, primarily Law No. 21 of 2008 concerning Islamic Banking, Law No. 40 of 2014 concerning Insurance, which accommodates Islamic insurance, and regulations on Capital Markets and Sukuk, namely Law No. 19 of 2008 concerning State Sharia Securities (Sukuk Negara). There is also Law No. 33 of 2014 concerning Halal Product Guarantees, and Government Regulation No. 39 of 2021 concerning the Implementation of Halal Product Assurance. Furthermore, KNEKS has twice developed the Indonesian Sharia Economic Masterplan (MEKSI) with strategic pillars including the halal value chain, finance, economic inclusion, and digital empowerment.

Various incentives and policies needed to further accelerate the development include financial incentives, including tax incentives, financing facilities, and sharia capital market instruments. Non-financial incentives include facilitating training and certification of sharia workforce competencies, strengthening e-commerce and digital platforms for halal product distribution, harmonizing policies across ministries, and collaborating with international institutions. Furthermore, institutional and capacity strengthening of halal audit institutions, sharia financial inclusion in regional banking, and education and research are also needed.

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Ekonomi Islam yang mana?

 Ekonomi syariah (atayu kadang disebut dengan “Ekonommi Islam”) dapat diterapkan pada dua aras: sebagai sektor ekonomi (economy) yang mencakup aktivitas nyata produksi, distribusi, dan konsumsi yang empiris, serta sebagai sistem ekonomi (economy system) yang berupa kerangka nilai, aturan, dan institusi pengatur kepemilikan serta pengambilan keputusan. Ekonomi mencerminkan praktik aktual masyarakat, sementara sistem ekonomi menyediakan struktur prinsip dasarnya.

Di Indonesia, negara dengan penduduk muslim terbesar, penerapan ekonomi syariah masih parsial, terfokus pada sektor finansial seperti perbankan, asuransi, sukuk, dan produk halal, tanpa menggantikan ekonomi konvensional secara utuh. Diskursus akademis jarang membahasnya sebagai sistem nasional, lebih menekankan sektor riel seperti pertanian agraris yang sudah berakar di grassroot. Posisi Indonesia di Global Islamic Economy Indicator (GIEI) menunjukkan kekuatan sektor halal dan finansial syariah, tapi belum mendominasi sistem ekonomi keseluruhan.

Jadi, sejauh mana ekonomi syariah diterapkan: terbatas pada sektor atau menjadi sistem nasional? Untuk sektor, strategi "dorong gelombang" memanfaatkan akar masyarakat seperti pertanian dan perikanan. Namun, sebagai sistem, tantangannya seperti mendaki dinding terjal, memerlukan regulasi komprehensif mengatasi fragmentasi hukum dan keterbatasan pemahaman publik.

Riset menunjukkan ketangguhan sistem Islam, seperti bagi hasil di bank syariah yang tahan krisis global. Instrumen zakat, infaq, sedekah, dan wakaf mampu atasi kemiskinan jika diinstitusionalisasi secara transparan dan akuntabel, menekankan keadilan sosial serta distribusi merata berbeda dari ekonomi konvensional.

Meski berkembang sejak 1990-an, ambiguitas tetap ada: apakah ekonomi syariah sekadar konstelasi sektor (perbankan, halal industry, UMKM syariah) atau mereformasi sistem nasional? Diperlukan sikap dan kebijakan kuat untuk integrasi penuh, memanfaatkan potensi Indonesia sebagai role model global.

Pengembangan ekonomi Islam di Indonesia saat ini masih didorong oleh permintaan pasar (demand-driven) daripada nilai intrinsik (value-driven). Berbagai inisiatif seperti perbankan syariah, industri halal, dan instrumen wakaf lebih berorientasi pada respons terhadap kebutuhan konsumen muslim terbesar di dunia, seperti sertifikasi halal untuk ekspor atau pembiayaan syariah untuk UMKM, yang mencerminkan posisi kuat Indonesia di Global Islamic Economy Indicator. Namun, hal ini sering kali mengabaikan esensi nilai Islam seperti keadilan distributif, larangan riba sebagai prinsip etis mendasar, dan inklusi sosial yang menyeluruh, sehingga menjadi sekadar adaptasi komersial tanpa transformasi sistemik mendalam.

Akibatnya, pengembangan ini rentan terhadap fluktuasi pasar global dan belum membentuk kerangka nilai yang kokoh untuk menggantikan paradigma ekonomi konvensional. Tanpa penekanan pada value seperti zakat yang diinstitusionalisasi untuk redistribusi kekayaan atau mudharabah sejati untuk kemitraan berbasis kepercayaan, ekonomi Islam berisiko terjebak sebagai "niche market" semata, bukan sistem ekonomi nasional yang berakar pada tauhid ekonomi dan maqasid syariah. Diperlukan paradigma value-driven untuk mewujudkan potensi Indonesia sebagai role model global.

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Section 2.2. Prophets are Farmers

(Draft of the book: " Farming and Trading According to Islam". Islamic Agricultural Socio-Economic Book Series. Draft I – April 2020. By: SYAHYUTI)

We already know the story of the prophets developing religion. However, how the prophets run their economic life is rarely published. Prophets like ordinary people also need food, clothing and shelter. He didn't just get it. The Prophets had to work to earn their livelihood. He must work like a human too. In addition to themselves, the Prophets also had to support their families.

Al-Hadisth: "Allah subhanahu wa ta'ala never raised a Prophet who never shepherded sheep or goats". Yes, the Prophets raised livestock. Raising livestock is farming. The Prophets lived in a society that relied on agriculture and trade.

The Prophets also farmed like us. What they plant does not immediately bear fruit. There is effort, there is seriousness, and there is a risk of failure as well. So, even though the Prophets have been burdened with conveying revelations, establishing Allah's religion and taking care of the people; does not automatically have to leave his economic life.

Likewise, working while preaching and developing religion is a lifestyle that many preachers do who incorporate Islam into Indonesia. They are traders as well as preachers and religious teachers. This is also what the “Wali Songo” do. They are not only economic for profit, but oriented da'wah. Running the economy correctly and profitably was also one of the materials taught to the people at that time.

The Prophet Farmed for His Life

Historically, the Prophets worked like ordinary humans to support themselves. In Surah Al Furqan verse 20 it reads: "We did not send messengers before you (Muhammad) but that they actually ate food and walked in the markets". The market is a gathering place for people with various characters. From the best to the worst can be found there. So, the prophets of Allah's messengers in carrying out their economic activities associate and interact with all types of human beings, good and bad, without selection.

They were not reclusive spiritual figures living within the ivory tower. The Prophets worked and traded in real terms. Prophet Musa alaihisallam worked for Prophet Shuaib, Prophet Daud alaihisallam as a craftsman to make armor, Prophet Yusuf alaihisallam as a warehouse supervisor, while Prophet Zakaria alaihi sallam, for example, became a carpenter, and Prophet Idris alaihisallam sewed clothes.

Prophet Ibrahim alaihisallam was actually able to make statues like his father, but focused on producing pottery for household needs. Meanwhile, Prophet Musa alaihisallam was a builder who designed and led several projects for the construction of monumental buildings in Egypt. Due to a sedentary life, Prophet Musa often switched professions to support himself. Likewise with Prophet Isa alaihisallam who was appointed a prophet at the age of 30 years and died at a young age 3 years later. In Christian paintings he is depicted herding goats. There are also those who say that Prophet Isa became a carpenter.

The Prophets worked because they did not want to rely on their lives for their people. Various jobs that the Prophet did, relying on hand skills and others. Hadith: "There is no food that is better for a person to eat, except - which is obtained - from the work of his hands. And verily, the Prophet of Allah, Dawud, ate from the work of his hands." Prophet Dawud alaihisallam made a living from the work of his own hands as a blacksmith. He makes armor and other things, then sells them to the market to support himself and his family from the sales.

One day the Prophet Sulaiman asked Allah subhanahu wa ta'ala to show a servant who was more grateful than himself. Allah then sent Jibril to teach Sulaiman how to plate jewelry with gold, and he made it on an ax and then sold it. Thus, the first human to make decorations with gold gilding was Prophet Sulaiman alaihisallam.

When He was young, Muhammad shalallahu alaihi wassalam (SAW) was a very active worker. He sells his services as a goat herder belonging to someone else. Prophet Muhammad kept goats very productively. He also sold Khadijah's merchandise to Sham, and got a share of the results. The Quraysh were known to be good at trading. In winter they go to Yemen, and in summer to Sham (Syria). They are not lazy people. Abdullah, for example, the father of the prophet Muhammad, fell ill and died on his way home from business from Syria. Muhammad SAW at the age of 12 years has begun to follow in the footsteps of his people, who were invited by his uncle Abu Talib, to join a trading group to the country of Syria.

When the Prophet Muhammad was 25 years old, Abu Talib managed to get a job from Khadijah, the richest business woman in Mecca at that time. Khadijah offered four camels a salary. For the first time our Prophet led a trading caravan along the main trade route of Yemen – Sham. The business was a huge success and reaped profits that no previous trade missions had been able to achieve. So, in essence our Prophet was a hard worker.

After being appointed as a prophet, Muhammad SAW milked his own goat's milk, pierced his clothes and sewed his sandals himself. The prophet's entrepreneurial ability was nurtured from an early age by becoming a shepherd. He grazed the goats of the Quraysh when he was very young to lighten his uncle's burden. He wants to earn and be independent, not sitting idle just playing. Prophet Muhammad as a trader has four tips for successful business, namely siddiq (true), amanah (trustworthy), fatonah (intelligent, clever, understanding management and business strategy), and tabligh (communication skills and convincing relations or buyers).

Prophet Muhammad SAW and his companions were people who liked to work. Apart from working for his people, he repairs and sews his own sandals, patchs his own clothes, expresses his own goat's milk, and serves his family. The Prophet sometimes helped clean the house to help his wife. They have set an example and a noble example in balancing the interests of seeking and spreading knowledge and earning a living. The Prophets worked to support the continuity of da'wah. Working to earn a living by trading, farming and raising livestock is not considered to degrade their dignity and does not reduce the quality of their trust.

Islamic scholars are also classified as people who work diligently and are economically tenacious, but they are also persistent and tough in studying and spreading religion. Abu Bakr when he became caliph every morning went to the market carrying several pieces of clothing to sell. When he met with Umar and Ubaidah bin Jarrah, he was asked: "How do you trade while you are the leader of the Muslims?". Abu Bakr said: "Where do I support my family?". Like Umar, Abu Bakr even though he also got a share of the baitul mal.

The Prophet's family also worked. Fatimah Azzahra, the daughter of the Muhammad, once ran out of grain while her children were sick and needed to eat. She went to a shop owner and got a job pounding wheat to make bread and eat with his son. She also worked at her house, making bread, from pounding wheat to baking it. Zainab works as a tanner. Asma bint Abu Bakr helps her husband feed the horses, and carries water to the garden on foot for about five kilometers.

Islam places a high value on some jobs that are sometimes undervalued by humans, such as herding goats which are usually neglected. Rasulullah SAW said: "Allah did not send a prophet but he was herding goats". When the companions heard these words, they then asked: "And you, O Messenger of Allah? The Prophet replied: Yes! I also herd goats for a few carats, belong to the people of Mecca." (Narrated by Bukhari). Muhammad as the messenger of Allah and the seal of all the Prophets, also herds goats. He shepherded with wages belonging to some of the residents of Mecca. The lesson is that greatness is actually owned by people who like to work, not by people who like to spend time and are unemployed.

Prophet Musa alaihisallam worked as a laborer for a very old man. He worked as a laborer for eight years as a condition for marrying one of his daughters. Prophet Musa was judged by the old man as a good worker and a commendable worker. So the assumption of the old woman's daughter was true, where one of them said: "Hey, father! Take that worker, because the best person you take as a worker must be a strong and reliable person." (Quran surah al-Qashash: 26).

Ibn Abbas narrated that the Prophet Dawud alaihisallam worked as a blacksmith to make armor. Prophet Adam worked as a farmer, Noah as a carpenter, Idris as a clerk, while Moses as a goat herder.

For this reason, every Muslim must prepare himself to make a living. Muslims must be strong economically. In fact, the Prophet also worked and had a source of income. Prophet Muhammad SAW in one of his hadiths said: "No one eats a single food that is better, but he eats on his own effort, and Prophet David alaihisallam eats from the results of his own work." (Hadith Bukhari).

 

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